I have lived in Montgomery
County since 1955, the year my family moved to Silver Spring when I was seven years
old. So the term “County Above Party”
rang a bell. A minute on Google reminded
me of where I heard it. A few weeks
before the election in 1962 (when we had a County Council, but no elected
County Executive), a group of wealthy developers formed a group also called “County
Above Party,” which poured money and campaign materials to oust the progressive
majority on the Council, a majority which was trying to have orderly
development in an era of fast-moving change.
The tactic worked, and the progressives were defeated. Willy-nilly development policies ensued,
leading to the ousting of the developers’ members in the 1966 election. See Royce Hansen’s description of what
occurred in his book Suburb: Planning
Politics and the Public Interest. . Another account of the 1962 "County Above
Party" campaign may be found in a 2016 Louis Peck article in Bethesda Beat. This account bears repeating:
“One veteran political observer
calls it the ‘great granddaddy’ of contentious campaigns in Montgomery County:
the 1962 battle for the then-seven member County Council. It followed a nearly
fourfold increase in county population—to 341,000 in 1960—and pitted older
residents against newer arrivals on issues ranging from local growth to civil
rights.
“Days before the
election, a coalition of conservatives and business interests—billing itself as 'County Above Party' or CAP—mailed a political flier disguised as a newspaper
to county homes. Targeting a tax increase approved by the Democratic-controlled
council to address needs created by the county’s mushrooming growth, the flier
also contained thinly veiled racial and ethnic references. This was in the wake
of the council’s passage of the county’s first open accommodations law in early
1962, which resulted partly from public demonstrations against the racial
segregation policies of the then-privately owned Glen Echo Amusement Park.
“The late Stanley
Frosh of Bethesda, who supported the law, was among those targeted. ‘I remember
there was a caricature of my father with a big hook nose. It was at least
subtly anti-Semitic,’ recalls Frosh’s son, current Maryland Attorney General
Brian Frosh. The flier contributed to the ouster of five council Democrats who
had supported the law—including Stanley Frosh. In came the ‘Diggs Council’—so
dubbed for its chairwoman, Katherine Diggs— and a 5-2 Republican majority. That
council considered repealing the law, but rejected the idea in September 1963,
following a debate that drew national attention."
A 2017 article by John Kelly in The Washington Post described the end of the "County Above Party" thusly:
“Most of the County Above Party
candidates lost in the next off-year elections, in 1966. But before they left
office, they spent two days and one night whipping through hundreds of zoning
requests. . . .An editorial in The Washington Post was later to describe it as
‘last-minute scurrility.’”
So now the lineal descendants
of the 1962 "County Above Party" developer group is trying the same thing -- hopefully, this time, without
the ethnic and racial tinge. It is
likely no accident that the current PAC uses the same name as the 1962 group.
The 1962 political ambush should not be allowed to succeed in 2018.
Indeed, the stakes are far
higher in 2018, since now, in a three-way race for County Executive, it is not
inconceivable that the "County Above Party"-supported Floreen candidacy could result in the
election of Republican candidate Robin Ficker.
As those who have lived in the County for the last twenty years or more
know, Mr. Ficker is a perpetual losing political candidate and demagogic gadfly, whose
personality is so corrosive that his constant, ugly abuse of the athletes
during games led Abe Pollin to not allow him to have seats near the players’
benches when the Bullets (now Wizards) moved to the then-named MCI arena in D.C. in 1997. See, here. While a Floreen victory would be unfortunate,
Ficker’s election would be a full-fledged disaster.
Ms. Floreen has said that it is
inconceivable that her candidacy could lead to a Ficker victory. See here. But an analysis of recent Montgomery County
election results belies that view: Past
experience demonstrates that any Republican candidate for County Executive is
likely to receive about 1/3 of the vote.
(In the last
three Montgomery County Executive elections, Republicans have received 33%,
34%, and 35%).
So the
blithe assumption of the Floreen Camp (that is, the "Citizens Above Party" Camp) that
having what would effectively be a re-do of the Democratic primary could not
result in four years of Robin Ficker as County Executive is naive. If
Floreen’s money – and now the “Citizens Above Party” money - is able to make it a horse race between
her and Marc Elrich, creating an even split, then it is very likely that Ficker
could get the 34% he would need to win.
Marc
Elrich, contrary to the whispering campaign of the developers, is not a
wild-eyed radical, but is a principled and practical progressive. He has shown this in his years on the County
Council. All one needs to do is to listen to
the September 11, 2018, County Council discussion on the Hogan proposals to
expand I-270 and I-495 to see that this is the case. The video may be found here (Mr. Elrich's comments begin at 66:18).
Mr.
Elrich won the Democratic Party primary fair and square. His principal opponent, David Blair (whose
views closely align with Ms. Floreen’s), has endorsed him. See here. Voters should unite behind Mr. Elrich and not
allow a fiasco far worse than the one of 1962 to occur. “County Above Party” was, and still is,
really “County for the Benefit of the Developers.”
Hi, “The MoCo Millennial” here.
ReplyDeleteGood analysis, but I’m a bit more optimistic and think it’s possible that instead of Nancy and Marc splitting the Democratic vote, it might be Nancy and Robin splitting the anybody-but-Elrich vote.
Also, Blair and Floreen aren’t really that closely aligned. Krasnow, yes. But Blair is more progressive than you think, especially on immigration and universal pre-K.