David Fishback's Blog
Thoughts on politics, law, and culture
Friday, February 20, 2026
1992 MLK Sermon at Temple Emanuel: King: Lessons for the Closing Decade of the Century
Wednesday, January 28, 2026
Martin Luther King, Jr. Commemorative Shabbat at Temple Emanuel (MD), January 16, 2026
Temple Emanuel of Kensington MD held its annual Martin Luther King, Jr. Commemorative Shabbat on January 16, 2026. Our Guest Speaker was Joshua Maxey, Executive Director of Bet Mishpachah and a member of the Commission on Social Action of Reform Judaism.
Rabbi Adam –
It's my honor to invite back to the bimah Candace Groudine, who's going to introduce our special guest for the evening.
Candace Groudine –
Good evening.
David Fishback would be here where I'm standing, however, he's still recovering from a recent illness, and so he asked me to read his introduction of our guest speaker this evening, and so here I am.
I want to thank David, Rabbi Adam, Sandra Fleishman, and the entire staff of Temple Emanuel for all the hard work they've done to make this evening's event possible.
We are very fortunate to have as our speaker this evening Joshua Maxey.
His topic is None of Us Are Free Until All of Us Are Free. Intersectionality, Jewish Values, and the Ongoing Struggle for Justice.
Josh grew up in Rochester, New York, and is a 2015 graduate of St. Bonaventure University in Western New York.
Immediately drawn to community service, he moved to DC to work with Street Sense, which many of you may recognize as a newspaper written and distributed by homeless people in our nation's capital. He managed vendors and connected them with available social services.
Josh subsequently worked on the Hill, but found more satisfaction in engaging in direct action through the nonprofit sector. He next served with the Franciscan Mission Service.
In 2018, Josh became a member of Washington Hebrew Congregation, where he helped develop and continues to be active in that congregation's Racial Equity Committee.
In 2022, he was hired as the first executive director of Bet Mishpachah, DC's LGBTQ+ synagogue.
Josh works locally with the Jewish Federation of Greater Washington on outreach to diverse populations and discussions about how we can move forward in these turbulent times in which we find ourselves.
And, as a member of the Commission on Social Action of Reform Judaism, he is plugged into the full range of issues facing the Jewish community nationally, including its relations with our allies and the struggles for social justice.
Joshua Maxey is an example of Dr. King's teaching that social advances come "through the tireless efforts and persistent work of dedicated individuals who are willing to be co-workers with God."
This evening's speaker is such an individual.
Welcome to Temple Emanuel, Josh.
Joshua Maxey -
Shabbat Shalom.
It is truly an honor to be here with you all this evening as we gather for MLK Shabbat, and I want to thank Rabbi Adam.
To Candace, to David, who I know is watching on the livestream, and for the entire Social Justice Committee, thank you so much for your warm hospitality, inviting me here.
This evening, we gather in sacred time and in this sacred community, holding two inheritances, We inherit Shabbat: Our weekly declaration that every human being is entitled to rest, dignity, and freedom.
And we inherit the legacy of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. A prophet of our modern age who reminded this nation that "justice delayed is justice denied."
MLK Shabbat is not only about memory, it's about moral accounting. It asks us not only why, or what, rather, did Dr. King fight for. But also, what does his unfinished work demand of us now, as Jews, as Americans, as human beings created Bezaleim Elohim, in the image of the Divine.
Tonight, I want to share briefly one core truth that stands on the heart of both Dr. King's theology and our Jewish tradition: None of us are free until all of us are free.
This is not a slogan. It is a worldview rooted in shared humanity. It is a moral claim about dignity. And it is profoundly and deeply Jewish.
Dr. King understood something radical and essential. Our freedom, all of our freedom, is interconnected.
He rejected the idea that one group could be liberated while others remain oppressed.
He rejected the comfort of partial justice.
He rejected the lie that freedom could be individualized.
In his Letter from the Birmingham Jail, he wrote words that we all know well, that "injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere."
Judaism has taught this for thousands of years.
The Talmud reminds us "Kol Israel arevim zeh ba'zeh," that we are all responsible for one another.
The Torah teaches that liberation is never a solo journey. God did not take us out of Egypt alone. God took an entire people, a collective, out of bondage.
True freedom is shared freedom.
If my neighbor's dignity is denied, then my own is diminished.
If my neighbor is unsafe, then my safety, too, is fragile.
If my neighbor is not free, then my freedom remains incomplete.
When we speak about intersectionality, we are naming something very human. The reality that our identities overlap race, gender, class, disability, sexuality. And the systems that oppression often overlap.
Some hear the word intersectionality and assume it as a new phrase or a very divisive phrase. But Judaism has always understood that our humanity is complex. And that dignity must be protected in that complexity.
Jewish identity itself has been intersectional.
We are a religious people, and an ethnic people.
We are Jews of Color, Mizrahi, Sephardi, Ashkenazi.
We are immigrants.
We are refugees.
We are economically secure and economically precarious.
We are queer and straight, disabled, able-bodied, Jews by birth, Jews by choice.
There is not, and never has been, just one Jewish experience.
Intersectionality simply calls us to live up to the mandate to honor the dignity of all people, especially those whose dignity is most often denied.
Dr. King understood this very well. He did not fight racism alone. He fought against poverty, against anti-Semitism, against economic exploitation, against militarism.
And even toward the end of his life, many former allies abandoned him not because he was wrong in his teaching, but because he insisted on the truth that dignity is indivisible.
I speak to you tonight not only as a leader in this community, but as someone whose life exists at multiple intersections.
As Candace mentioned, I serve as the Executive Director of Beit Mishpachah, which is DC's LGBTQ synagogue.
I'm a person of color, I am a gay man.
And I'm also a Jew by choice.
I chose Judaism because I found a home where I could fully be my authentic self.
I found a tradition that demands that I honor my own humanity and the humanity of others.
Leading a community that lives at so many different intersections, I see every day that dignity and inclusion are not abstract ideals. They are the very air that we breathe.
Over the years, with the support of local synagogues and organizations like Federation and the Commission, we've created many programs across the DMV that lifts up Jews of Color, not as a special category, but as an expression of truth, that Judaism is not a monolith. It is a beautiful mosaic. And to fail to honor that diversity is to violate human dignity.
Yet within our own Jewish spaces, too many voices still go unheard: people of color, LGBTQ members, people with different disabilities and abilities, and others often experience micro-aggressions, invisibility, or quiet assumptions about who belongs.
These experiences are not just personal. They reveal the places where our sacred spaces fall short of the values that we claim to uphold.
And beyond our synagogue walls and our Jewish institution walls the call to justice still continues. Just this past Tuesday, I stood at the Supreme Court in support of our trans siblings as the Court heard a case about transgender participation in sports.
I watched as a brave, young trans person stepped to the microphone and read their personal reflection. And this person was probably around 12 years old. And they read a poem of courage and truth, and in support of the community.
Moments later, an opposing speaker shouted, on a microphone, "Your existence is ridiculous!"
"Your existence is ridiculous."
Now, imagine being a child and hearing that. Imagine how crushing that is.
Moments like this remind me why this work is so urgent. We must uphold human dignity. Always. And we must do so across difference, grounded in our shared humanity.
That is why solidarity beyond our community also is not optional. Interfaith partnerships and alliances are essential for justice.
As one of the readings reminded us today, we must recommit ourselves to strengthen our bonds with those who share our values.
I often hear in circles when we talk about building communities and building relationships with other communities, that we as Jews should focus on ourselves first, secure our own safety. And then we'll worry about others after.
And given our history as a people, that impulse I can understand. But Jewish tradition is unequivocal. Trauma does not cancel human dignity.
The Torah commands us, "You shall not oppress the stranger, for you know the soul of the stranger."
And as Dr. King warned us, silence in the face of injustice -- the appalling silence, as he described, of the good people -- is always a failure of dignity.
And Shabbat itself is an embodied form of justice. It insists that economic status does not determine who rests, that authority does not exempt anyone from obligation, and that care extends beyond humans to all living beings.
Shabbat teaches us that worth is not earned, that dignity is not conditional, and that humanity is not transactional.
Dr. King's vision was ultimately rooted in hope.
We read earlier where he said, we are simply seeking to bring into full realization the American dream. A land where everyone will respect the dignity and worth of human personality.
And yet, he reminded us that this journey to the Land of Promise is far from finished.
Even in his final days, Dr. King refused despair. He said, "I will not yield to a politics of despair God grant that we will be that David of Truth set out against the Goliath of Injustice."
As we honor and go through Shabbat, I invite us to sit with a few questions:
- Where am I being called to see and honor the dignity of every person, especially those whose voices are often unheard?
- How can our Jewish spaces more fully live out shared humanity and inclusion?
- Where in our broader communities are we called to stand in solidarity, even when the stwhen the struggle does not directly touch us?
If our humanity is shared, then our responsibility is shared.
If dignity is sacred, then justice is truly non-negotiable.
May we be brave enough to resist the comfort of partial justice.
May we honor the divine image in every human being.
And may we live the truth taught by both Dr. King and our Jewish tradition that none of us are free until we all are free.
Shabbat Shalom.
Rabbi Adam –
Thank you, Joshua, for your wise and inspiring words.
MARTIN LUTHER KING, JR., COMMEMORATIVE SHABBAT SERVICE
TEMPLE EMANUEL, JANUARY 16, 2026
None of US Are Free Until All of Us Are Free:
Intersectionality, Jewish Values, and the Ongoing Struggle for Justice
Officiants: Rabbi Adam Rosenwasser and Cantor Lauren Adesnik
Candle Blessings: Alex Clay and Neel Goldberg
Readers: Aaron Northern, Sue Berman, Candace Groudine, and Ian DeWaal
Introduction of Guest Speaker: Candace Groudine
Guest Speaker: Joshua Maxey, Executive Director of Bet Mishpachah and member of the
Commission on Social Action of Reform Judaism
Board Representative: Julie Ross
(Thank you to Temple Members David Fishback and Sandra Fleishman who helped prepare the materials for this Service.)
Readings
Here at Temple Emanuel, we display with pride the iconic photograph of Dr. King and Rabbi Abraham Joshua Heschel at the Selma March which led to the enactment of the historic Voting Rights Act of 1965. Rabbi Heschel was Dr. King's great ally and a scholar of the Jewish Prophetic Tradition, and he reminded us that the "prophet was an individual who said 'No' to his society, condemning its habits and assumptions, its complacency. The purpose of prophecy is to conquer callousness, to change the inner man as well as to revolutionize history."
In the spirit of Dr. King and Rabbi Heschel, this evening is a time to recommit ourselves to work against the related challenges of white supremacy and anti-semitism, including efforts by those in power to judicially destroy the Voting Rights Act. We also must recommit ourselves to strengthen our bonds with those who share our values. While this particular moment is fraught with legitimate concerns that the American Experiment is being destroyed, we must, like Dr. King, strive to make it work.
Dr. King's vision was rooted in a faith that right would prevail: "The arc of the moral universe is long, but it bends toward justice." But he also knew that only through the work of our own hands would the world become a better place: "Human progress is neither automatic nor inevitable.... No social advance rolls in on the wheels of inevitability; it comes through the tireless efforts and persistent work of dedicated individuals, who are willing to be co-workers with God."
Dr. King explained that "We are simply seeking to bring into full realization the American dream -- a dream yet unfulfilled. A dream of equality of opportunity, of privilege and property widely distributed; a dream of a land where [people] no longer argue that the color of a [person's] skin determines the content of [their] character; the dream of a land where every[one] will respect the dignity and worth of human personality - this is the dream."
"When it is realized, the jangling discords of our nation will be transformed into a beautiful symphony" and everyone "will know that America is truly the land of the free and the home of the brave."
We also remember that the journey to this Land of Promise is far from finished, and that there are powerful forces intent on destroying so much of the progress we have made since Dr. King’s time.
Just days before his assassination in 1968, just two months before the Poor People's Campaign March on Washington, Dr. King, in a sermon just a few miles from where we sit tonight, proclaimed, "I will not yield to a politic of despair. I'm going to maintain hope.... God grant that we will be that David of truth set out against the Goliath of injustice, the Goliath of neglect, the Goliath of refusing to deal with the problems, and go on with the determination to make America the truly great America that it is called to be."
CONGREGATION:
Let us learn in order to teach.
Let us learn in order to do.
For information on past MLK Services at Temple Emanuel, see here.
Saturday, December 13, 2025
Rabbi Elliot Cosgrove Seeks to Open an Important Discussion in the American Jewish Community
Last spring, Rabbi Elliot Cosgrove sparked the attacks by a number of rabbis on then-New York City mayoral candidate Zohran Mamdani. I found those attacks misguided and was disappointed that they missed the opportunity, recognized by New York City Jewish politicians like Brad Lander, to reach out to potential friends. Sadly, in the wake of the election, there are continuing attacks from groups like the Anti-Defamation League to undercut alliances with Mamdani, rather than to find common ground.
But, fortunately, a few days ago Rabbi Cosgrove gave a speech recognizing that the American Jewish community needs to reassess how it deals with the current reality created since the right-wing takeover of the State of Israel, a reality which is at odds with fundamental principles of Judaism held by so many American Jews.
I recommend reading the entire speech. I do not agree with everything in it, but I applaud the effort to open up the discussion we need. This excerpt shows that Rabbi Cosgrove understands the challenges we face:
"[W]e have the nerve to send that kid to a college campus expecting her to defend the policies of a government that does not reflect her values or recognize her Judaism as Judaism. I myself may be constitutionally incapable of walking away from Israel, but others have and will continue do so – before October 7th and all the more since. There is a limit to the self-flagellating exercise of supporting a state that neither recognizes you nor represents your values. For the coming generation of American Jewry, the loyalties of yesteryear will no longer suffice.
"And of all the points of difference between the 'civil religion' of American Jewry and the reality of Israel, none loom as large as the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. For the post-Shoah generation of American Jewish leadership, Israel’s claim to the land and need for a sovereign state were obvious, a simple matter of survival.
"In the first decades of Israel’s existence, persistent Arab hostilities sidelined any concerns American Jewry might have harbored about the democratic rights of the indigenous Palestinian population. The facts didn’t help.
"Arabs had long rejected any Jewish claim to the land, and mainstream American Jewry paid little attention to Palestinian aspirations to nationhood, focusing instead on the pressing needs of the Jewish people. Expressions of concern for the Palestinians and the conditions they lived in were beyond the bounds of Jewish communal discussions.
"But the past fifty-plus years of Israeli settlement expansion have radically changed the facts on the ground and American Jewry’s perception of Israel as a Jewish and a democratic nation. Whether American Jews know about, or care to understand, the events leading up to the Six-Day War, through which Israel gained control of the territories known as the West Bank, matters little.
"What matters is that Israel continues to occupy the territories. Whatever justifications (theological, historical, security, or otherwise) have been and continue to be marshaled in support of Israel’s ongoing presence there, in the eyes of American Jewry, the West Bank settlements and the illiberal policies they represent pose a threat to Israel’s founding promise – its commitment to democracy."
The challenge is how the Diaspora responds to a Jewish State which is hell-bent on disregarding what I believe most of us see as the essential provision of the 1948 Israeli Declaration of Independence:
"The state of Israel will promote the development of the country for the benefit of all its inhabitants; will be based on precepts of liberty, justice, and peace taught by the Hebrew prophets; will uphold the full social and political equality of all its citizns without distinction of race, creed or sex; will guarantee full freedom of conscience, worship, education and culture; will safeguard the sanctity and inviolability of shrines and holy places of all religions; and will dedicate itself to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations."
I hope we are up to the challenge.
Wednesday, September 24, 2025
The Gates of Gaza by Amir Tibon
I just finished reading The Gates of Gaza: A Story of Betrayal, Survival and Hope in Israel's Borderlands by Amir Tibon. Tibon is a writer for the Israeli newspaper Haaretz, who lived with his wife Miri and two young children in Kibbutz Nahal Oz, which was attacked by Hamas on October 7, 2023. He chronicles the horror of the attack and the bravery in response. These chronicles are interspersed with descriptions of what led up to October 7, including the conduct of Benyamin Netanyahu and his allies, which, in Tibon's informed telling of the history, contributed so much to the tragedy. The book also provides insights into the larger dilemmas that those living in the region face, reaching back to the creation of Israel in 1948.
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"Early yesterday morning, Roi was murdered. The quiet of the spring morning dazzled him, and he did not see those waiting in ambush at the edge of the furrow. . . . Let us not cast the blame on the murderers. Why should we question their burning hatred for us? For eight years, they have been sitting in the refugee camps in Gaza, and before their eyes, we have been transforming the lands and the villages, where they and their fathers dwelt, into our estate."
Dayan did not use this rare recognition from a high-ranking Israeli government official of the price paid by the Palestinians in 1948 (and thereafter) as a plea to find a way to peace. Rather, Dayan concluded that the "young Roi who left Tel Aviv to build his home at the gates of Gaza, to be a wall for us, was blinded by the light in his heart and he did not see the flash of the sword. The yearning for peace deafened his ears and he did not hear the voice of murder waiting in ambush. The gates of Gaza weighed too heavily on his shoulders, and overcame him." pp. 27-28.
Tibon goes on to report that in "Nahal Oz, not everyone liked the speech. Some of the young kibbutzniks found it too dark. They wanted to believe that one day, maybe in the distant future, there would be peace between their community and the communities in Gaza." (p. 28)
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At the end of the book, Tibon relates his visit, some months after October 7, to the Nahal Oz's cemetery. He says that as "an Israeli citizen, I supported the war effort, at least in the early months of the fighting. I was angry over what Hamas had done and scared of how Israeli weakness in the face of that attack would be perceived by our other adversaries in the region. But as a human being, I find it extremely difficult to countenance the level of destruction caused by my own country inside Gaza. And as a resident of Nahal Oz who still holds out hope that my family will one day be able to return here, I have to ask myself what will result from all this violence -- peace and quiet or more violence?" (p. 288-289)
Tibon concludes by hearkening back to Dayan's 1956 eulogy for Roi Rutberg -- and the reaction to it (both then and now) from so many people of Nahal Oz:
"They had come to build their homes on the border knowing that war might interrupt their lives at any moment -- but they had never seen conflict as an inevitability. They wanted to believe that one day, there could be peace with the people on the other side. Some of them still believe it, even after everything that happened on October 7 and its aftermath.
"Gaza's gates still weigh on our country, as heavily as if Dayan had delivered his speech only yesterday. But as I walk out of the cemetery, I realize that there's more to the story. These gates don't just weigh on our shoulders, as Dayan said back then; in the years and decades to come, they will weigh even more heavily on our souls." (p. 290)
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I could end this blogpost now, but I want to note that I found particularly striking two very personal passages from Tibon.
The first describes the November 2021 rise of the Netanyahu/Ben-Gvir-Smotrich coalition:
"Netanyahu and his Far Right, ultrareligious partners returned to power with a stable majority. For the first time since his criminal trial began three years earlier, he had decisively won an election.
"On election night, Netanyahu announced that he intended to lead a 'fully right-wing coalition,' consisting of Likud, two ultrareligious parties, and a new party led by Ben-Gvir, which had won fourteen seats -- an all-time high for the Israeli Far Right. This unprecedented result was an even greater shock than Netanyahu's return to power.
"The next morning, for the first time since we'd moved to Nahal Oz, Miri and I spoke about the possibility of leaving -- the kibbutz, and perhaps even the country -- for good. We were scared of what this new, extremist government would bring and the kind of future that our daughters would have in a country where a man like Ben-Gvir could hold power." (p. 235)
[From afar, three years earlier in 2018, I expressed similar concerns after an earlier Netanyahu coalition enacted the "nation-state" bill, which, I believed, had put Israel on a potentially fatal path.
[And the fears I had were even greater by early 2023.]
In the second, in late July 2023, Tibon recalls that hours after the Netanyahu Government convinced the Knesset to enact a bill which started the process of dismantling the Israeli judicial system, he met a close friend and neighbor "while we were both walking our dogs in the neighborhood. He looked devastated. 'We've taken our children onto a ship, and now it's out in the deep ocean, and the captain is drunk,' he told me, in an attempt to explain his feelings. 'I want to get my children off the ship. And I'm scared that it might be too late." (p. 247)
A little more than three months later, on October 7, Kibbutz Nahal Oz was overrun.
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So where do we go from here? What is the future? As we grapple with these unavoidable questions, reading The Gates of Gaza is essential. It also might be useful to read the words of the late Leonard Fein, who made up this story after the Six Day War, but before the First Intifada. And maybe this short 2021 letter to The Washington Jewish Week, as well.
Thursday, August 14, 2025
Haaretz report on the Israeli Government's plans to make a two-state solution impossible.
Israel to Okay Plan Splitting West Ba
nk in Two to 'Bury the Idea of a
Palestinian State'
Smotrich vows to 'bury the idea of a Palestinian state' with 3,400 homes in E1. 'They'll talk of a Palestinian dream, we'll build a Jewish reality,' he said, as the plan deepens West Bank divisions and draws global criticism.
https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/2025-08-14/ty-article/. premium/smotrich-calls-for- israeli-sovereignty-in-west- bank-as-govt-advances-controve rsial-plan/00000198-a7eb-dba8- a3dc-b7fba6ac0000
Tuesday, June 24, 2025
History of LGBTQ+ Progress in the Montgomery County MD Public Schools (MCPS), 2002-2025
In 2015, PFLAG National published on its website a monograph entitled Curriculum Victory in Montgomery County, Maryland: A Case Study and Handbook for Action. It is now housed on the Metro DC PFLAG website in the Resources and Advocacy Work sections. The Curriculum Victory monograph has now been amended to include information through June 24, 2025 and may be found directly here and here.
Wednesday, June 18, 2025
The Supreme Court's terrible 6-3 decision in United States v. Skrmetti
We need to work toward a society in which people are not so afraid, or ignorant, of differences that they will countenance cruelty to families and children.
Today the U.S. Supreme Court issued its decision in United States v. Skrmetti. The 6-3 decision written by Chief Justice Roberts permits the State of Tennessee to ban the use of medical treatments for transgender adolescents diagnosed with gender dysphoria. This decision essentially tells families of transgender minors (and their physicians) that they must either (1) condemn their children to dangers that have all-to-often led to extreme distress and even suicide or (2) choose exile to states that do not have such laws. And it opens the possibility that if the Republican MAGA majority in the House continues and if the Republican MAGA majority in the Senate dispenses with the filibuster, then such laws could be enacted by the Congress and signed by the President, meaning that such families would have to leave their homes in the United States altogether in order to do right by their children.
This is cruel and unacceptable, as Justice Sotomayor (joined by Justices Jackson and Kagan) explained in her dissent:
Transgender adolescents’ access to hormones and pu-
berty blockers (known as gender-affirming care) is not a
matter of mere cosmetic preference. To the contrary, access
to care can be a question of life or death. Some transgender
adolescents suffer from gender dysphoria, a medical condi-
tion characterized by clinically significant and persistent
distress resulting from incongruence between a person’s
gender identity and sex identified at birth. App. to Pet. for
Cert. 251a–252a. If left untreated, gender dysphoria can
lead to severe anxiety, depression, eating disorders, sub-
stance abuse, self-harm, and suicidality. See, e.g., Cole-
man, 23 Int’l J. Transgender Health, at S62. Suicide, in
particular, is a major concern for parents of transgender
teenagers, as the lifetime prevalence of suicide attempts
among transgender individuals may be as high as 40%.
App. to Pet. for Cert. 264a. Tragically, studies suggest that
as many as one-third of transgender high school students
attempt suicide in any given year.
When provided in appropriate cases, gender-affirming
medical care can meaningfully improve the health and well-
being of transgender adolescents, reducing anxiety, depres-
sion, suicidal ideation, and (for some patients) the need for
more invasive surgical treatments later in life.4 That is why
the American Academy of Pediatrics, American Medical As-
sociation, American Psychiatric Association, American Psy-
chological Association, and American Academy of Child Ad-
olescent Psychiatry all agree that hormones and puberty
blockers are “appropriate and medically necessary” to treat
gender dysphoria when clinically indicated. Id., at 285a.

